Monday, May 26, 2025

An American ProblemNew Foto - An American Problem

On Wednesday night, a young couple left an American Jewish Committee event in Washington, D.C. Moments later, they were gunned down. As police arrested the suspect, he shouted, "Free Palestine." The victims—Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim—were 20-something Israeli Embassy aides. Lischinsky, a devout Christian born to an Argentinian Israeli father and a German mother, had just bought an engagement ring. Milgrim, a Jewish American with a master's degree from the United Nations University for Peace, was devoted to humanitarian work and cross-cultural dialogue. They were idealists. They were in love. And they were murdered—not for anything they had done, but for who they were and what they represented. Their alleged killer, Elias Rodriguez, was at one time affiliated with the Party for Socialism and Liberation—a U.S.-based Marxist grouptied toChina, Iran, and Russia. The group lionizes Hamas and calls for violent "resistance" against Israel. It's hard not to conclude that this was a political assassination, fueled by a deranged but coherent ideology that's spreading with alarming speed through American institutions. Rodriguez didn't invent this worldview. It has been cultivated for years—by groups that venerate terrorists, by academics who excuse anti-Jewish hate as anti-colonial resistance, and by students chanting "Intifada" while shutting down bridges and storming campus buildings. It is a worldview that divides people into fixed categories of oppressor and oppressed, resents Jewish achievement, embraces violence, and sees Western civilization as inherently illegitimate. It targets Jews first—but never only. Some call it protest. Our Manhattan Institute colleague Tal Fortgang calls it "civil terrorism": the use of lawless disruption to intimidate and destabilize. Over the past 18 months, we've watched it escalate—from public rallies romanticizing Hamas after October 7, to anti-Semitic harassment on campuses, to slogans openly demanding ethnic cleansing. In this climate, the leap from vandalism to murder was all but inevitable. The D.C. shooting was not the first incident of its kind. Just weeks ago, the home of Pennsylvania's Jewish governor, Josh Shapiro, was allegedlyfirebombedon the first night of Passover by a man upset about his support for Israel. In Michigan, Democratic Attorney General Dana Nessel initially pressed charges against demonstrators who assaulted police during a campus encampment—thendroppedthem under pressure from the left flank of her party. But when extremists escalate and the law falters, the risks to public safety grow. What we're witnessing is an issue not with Israel, but with America. When violence aimed at Jews—or those seen as aligned with them—is dismissed, excused, or rationalized, it undermines the civic norms that hold our society together. Elite institutions that once upheld liberal pluralism now indulge a form of identity politics that prizes grievance over justice. Some of the ugliest reactions to the D.C. shooting treated the murders as incidental—or even deserved. That's not just moral failure. It represents a worldview that treats violence as politics by other means. Such rationalizations have been used to justify theideological murderof a health-care executive,coordinated arson attackson Tesla dealerships by anti-capitalist extremists, and, now, executions outside a Jewish museum in the nation's capital. The denial of Jewish legitimacy—whether of the state of Israel or of American Jews participating in public life—is no longer a fringe opinion. In too many quarters, it's treated as respectable. It is not. It is bigotry. And when paired with the belief that those claiming oppression are justified in doing "whatever it takes," the result isn't justice. It's carnage. We do not argue that speech should be criminalized; our First Amendment freedoms need to be protected. And it is possible to criticize Israeli policies, or those of any other government, without crossing the line into incitement. But we must be honest about what's happening. When networks of activists treat unrepentant killers as heroes, coordinate illegal activity, and agitate for the collapse of Western society, they're not engaged in civil disobedience. They're waging political warfare. That some of these groups are backed by hostile foreign regimes only underscores the urgency of a serious response. The way forward is not to panic, but to draw a clear line. We must reaffirm that no political grievance justifies murder. That Americans—of any faith or background—should not have to fear for their lives while leaving a museum event. That violence in the name of justice is still violence. And that democracy works only when we preserve the norms that keep politics from devolving into civil conflict. The murders of Yaron Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim were horrific. They were also predictable. If Americans continue down this path—excusing, indulging, and minimizing political violence when it comes from favored factions—we will see more such tragedies. It is not enough to mourn. We must act. Not by censoring ideas, but by enforcing the law, defending civic order, and refusing to normalize an ideology that leads, inexorably, to bloodshed. Article originally published atThe Atlantic

An American Problem

An American Problem On Wednesday night, a young couple left an American Jewish Committee event in Washington, D.C. Moments later, they were ...
At commemoration of Dayton Peace Accords, NATO leader urges military spending to counter RussiaNew Foto - At commemoration of Dayton Peace Accords, NATO leader urges military spending to counter Russia

DAYTON, Ohio (AP) — Representatives from NATO-aligned nations concluded a gathering in Dayton, Ohio, Monday to mark the 30th anniversary of the Dayton Peace Accords, the agreement that ended the Bosnian war, amid Russia'sunprecedented droneoffensive in Ukraine. NATO formed in 1949 to provide collective security against the Soviet Union. It now includes 32 countries. Ukraine is not a member, but participants inNATO gatheringsover the past week have said a victory against Russia inthe 3-year-old waris crucial to European and global stability. The anniversary was framed as a celebration of diplomacy and peace. The original accords were negotiated at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, in Ohio, and signed in Paris later that year. "The Western Balkans has shown that peace is possible. But today Europe is not at peace. Russia has brought war back to Europe," said NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte at Monday's meeting of theNATO Parliamentary Assembly, the culmination of the five-day gathering. Rutte called on NATO member leaders to make the case at home for increasing military spending, suggesting that an increase to 5% of gross domestic product over the next few years could be reached in an agreement next month, in linewith demands from the NATO member U.S. Belgium, Canada, Croatia, Italy, Luxembourg, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovenia and Spain do not currently spend at least2% of GDPon national defense budgets, a goal agreed to in 2023 as Russia's war on Ukraine entered its second year. So far, 22 of the 32 member countries have done so. Next month, the members will debate increasing that percentage to 3.5%, plus another 1.5% in spending on defense-related projects like roads and cybersecurity infrastructure. Cultural events accompanied the official meetings in Ohio, including art and history exhibits, public lectures, and a Concert for Peace featuring musicians from Dayton and Bosnia's capital of Sarajevo. A downtown "NATO Village" displayed flags from member nations, and additional exhibits highlighted the city's international ties.

At commemoration of Dayton Peace Accords, NATO leader urges military spending to counter Russia

At commemoration of Dayton Peace Accords, NATO leader urges military spending to counter Russia DAYTON, Ohio (AP) — Representatives from NAT...
Opinion - Joseph Nye is dead, and the illusion of ethical power politics should die tooNew Foto - Opinion - Joseph Nye is dead, and the illusion of ethical power politics should die too

Joseph Nye died earlier this month at the age of 88, and with him passes one of the most influential voices of post-Cold War American internationalism. Thetributeshave been swift and respectful, as they should be. The renowned Harvard professor was not only a gifted scholar but a consummate Washington insider, serving as assistant secretary of Defense for international security affairs in the Clinton administration. He bridged the worlds of academia and power like few others of his generation. Nye's concept of"soft power"became gospel in the foreign policy establishment. Hiscalls for an ethical foreign policywon plaudits from policymakers who wanted to believe that American primacy could be both virtuous and enduring. But now that the official remembrances have piled up, it is time to say something different. Nye was a man of ideas. His passing should invite not just mourning, but reevaluation. And the hard truth is that the world Nye helped interpret, shape and justify no longer exists. Nye's signature ideas — soft power, the liberal order, ethical realism — are artifacts of an age that is over. What remains is a harsher and more tragic world, one that calls not for the ethics of Harvard seminars but clarity, hard-nosed realism and morally unsettling truths. Let's begin with the concept Nye made famous: soft power. In his telling, the ability to attract and co-opt, rather than coerce, was the future of global leadership. Cultural appeal, democratic norms and economic openness would draw others toward America's orbit, making the world safer, more liberal and more cooperative. Nye did not reject hard power; he sought a synthesis, famously urging policymakers to wield"smart power"— the judicious blend of persuasion and coercion. But soft power was never a strategy. It was a theory of influence in a world where U.S. cultural and economic hegemony was taken for granted. At its core, soft power depended on a set of illusions: that America's values were universally attractive, that its economic system was the endpoint of development, that its leadership was benevolent rather than self-interested. These illusions worked, for a while, because there was no real alternative. In the unipolar moment of the 1990s, even critics of the U.S. had to live within the order it dominated. Soft power was, in truth, a polite name for power with no challengers. That world is gone. The appeal of American liberalism is weaker than it has been in decades. China offers a model of techno-authoritarian capitalism that has growing appeal across the Global South. Russia, for all its brutality, has demonstrated that hard power can still shape borders and revise status quos. Even U.S. allies no longer assume that America's cultural gravity is irresistible. And at home, the U.S. is mired in political division, moral confusion and social decay. The foundations of soft power have cracked, and no amount of elite consensus can put them back together. To his credit, Nye tried to grapple with these changes. He remained a realist (at least in the academic sense), and his later writings explored how presidents might pursue ethical foreign policies in a world of limits. But this effort, too, ultimately fails. Nye's vision of "ethical realism" relied on the idea that America's power could be used for moral ends — that statesmen could balance national interest with cosmopolitan responsibility, and that the exercise of power could be squared with the principles of justice. His final works urge policymakers to consider the intentions behind policy, the means by which it is pursued and the consequences it unleashes. But what if the world doesn't allow that kind of neat calculus? What if, as Thucydides wrote in the Melian Dialogue, "the strong do what they will and the weak suffer what they must"? What if tragedy — not ethics — is the defining logic of international relations? That power always outruns virtue? That necessity, not morality, determines action in an anarchic world? Nye was too much a liberal, and too much a moralist, to follow this thought to its end. And so his ethical realism amounts to little more than a comforting fiction for elites desperate to believe that U.S. leadership still carries moral weight. The most damning critique of Nye, however, is not that he was wrong. It is that his ideas provided the intellectual scaffolding for an era of American overreach. Soft power lulled Washington into complacency about its real sources of strength. Ethical realism gave moral cover to disastrous interventions in Iraq, Libya and beyond. And the concept of "smart power" became a euphemism for a bipartisan consensus that dressed up brute force in the language of benevolence. The wreckage of these policies can be seen around the world — from Kabul to Kyiv, from the South China Sea to the Sahel. Nye's legacy, however well-intentioned, cannot be separated from the failures that it helped legitimize. We are left with a need for a new realism — one not rooted in morality tales or campus abstractions, but in the grim realities of power, fear and ambition. Carl von Clausewitz reminds us that war is a continuation of politics by other means, not a failure of diplomacy. Machiavelli teaches that the appearance of virtue is often more important than its substance. And Thucydides shows that human nature and the structure of international politics make conflict all but inevitable. These are not comforting truths, but they are truths nonetheless. Nye's death marks the passing of an era — the final twilight of the American imperium imagined in the 1990s. It is fitting that we honor his contributions. He was a serious thinker, a patriot and a decent man. But let us not honor him with empty praise or uncritical nostalgia. Instead, let's bury the illusions that his ideas inspired. The post-Cold War liberal order is gone and the dream of ethical hegemony has faded. In its place stands a world of multipolar competition, civilizational rivalry and structural disorder. This world will not be managed by soft power, nor redeemed by ethical realism. It will be shaped — if we are lucky — by hard choices, clear thinking and a new generation of statesmen unafraid to look tragedy in the face. That is the true task of our time. And that is the epitaph that Nye's legacy deserves. Andrew Lathamis a professor of international relations at Macalester College in Saint Paul, Minn., a senior fellow at the Institute for Peace and Diplomacy, and a non-resident fellow at Defense Priorities in Washington, D.C. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed. 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Opinion - Joseph Nye is dead, and the illusion of ethical power politics should die too

Opinion - Joseph Nye is dead, and the illusion of ethical power politics should die too Joseph Nye died earlier this month at the age of 88,...
King Charles makes 'impactful' trip to Canada as Trump pushes 51st state claimNew Foto - King Charles makes 'impactful' trip to Canada as Trump pushes 51st state claim

Britain's King Charles III arrivedin Canadaon Monday for his first visit as its head of state, where he'll carry out a highly-symbolic whistle-stop trip seen by many as a show of support following increasinglyfrayed relationsbetween Ottawa and Washington. During his two-day visit, Charles, 76, will deliver a speech in Canada's parliament and celebrate the country's cultural heritage and diversity, according to Buckingham Palace. He will be accompanied by his wife, Queen Camilla. Soon after their arrival on Monday, Charles and Camilla will meet with community organizations at an Ottawa park, according to the Canadian Prime Minister's Office. Later on Monday, the pair will plant a tree on the grounds ofRideau Hall, the monarch's usual residence while visiting Canada. Charles — who is still undergoing treatment for cancer — will attend the State Opening of Parliament on Tuesday, where he will deliver the ceremonial Speech from the Throne to the Senate chamber. The address marks only the second time in Canadian history that the reigning sovereign has opened parliament, and the third time that the British monarch has delivered the Speech from the Throne. The parliamentary address is typically delivered by the governor general, the British monarch's representative in Canada. In a statement on Monday, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney offered a preview of Charles' address, writing that "the Speech from the Throne will outline the government's ambitious plan to act with urgency and determination, and to deliver the change Canadians want and deserve." Among the facets of that plan, according to Carney, is "a new economic and security relationship with the United States." Charles' visit comes as US President Donald Trump persistently references his desire to make Canada the 51st state and touts false claims that the Canadian public likes the idea of being annexed by the United States. In fact, the proposal is overwhelmingly unpopular among Canadians as a whole. Carney, who rose to power on a tide of anti-Trump sentiment in March, has repeatedly denounced the US president's remarks. In his election victory speech, Carney warned that Canada would never yield to Trump's relentless provocations. Carneydoubled downon that message last month during an exchange with Trump in the Oval Office. "As you know from real estate, there are some places that are never for sale," Carney told Trump, adding: "(Canada) is not for sale. It won't be for sale, ever." Ahead of Charles' trip to Ottawa, Canada's envoy to the United Kingdom, Ralph Goodale, told reporters the king will "reinforce" that same directive, according to Reuters. "The prime minister (Carney) has made it clear that Canada is not for sale now, is not for sale ever," Goodale told journalists last week. "The king, as head of state, will reinforce the power and strength of that message," Goodale said. Charles will also need to walk a careful diplomatic tightrope as British Prime Minister Keir Starmer seeks a stronger relationship with Trump over Ukraine and as he continues to pursue economic and trade guarantees. Carney said last week that his compatriots "weren't impressed" after Charles extended a second state invitation to the US president. Trump would be the first elected political leader in modern times to be hosted twice by a British monarch. "It was at a time when we were being quite clear about the issues around sovereignty," Carney said. King Charles and Queen Camilla are "mindful" of the gravity of their upcoming visit, Buckingham Palace said, according to the UK's PA Media news agency. "The King and Queen are very much looking forward to the programme, mindful that it is a short visit but hopefully an impactful one," PA reported, citing a palace spokesperson. CNN's Lauren Said-Moorhouse and Paula Newton contributed reporting. For more CNN news and newsletters create an account atCNN.com

King Charles makes ‘impactful’ trip to Canada as Trump pushes 51st state claim

King Charles makes 'impactful' trip to Canada as Trump pushes 51st state claim Britain's King Charles III arrivedin Canadaon Mon...
Trump's immigration crackdown unnerves Cuban exiles long shielded from deportationNew Foto - Trump's immigration crackdown unnerves Cuban exiles long shielded from deportation

Immigration officials said Tomás Hernández worked in high-level posts for Cuba's foreign intelligence agency for decades before migrating to the United States to pursue the American dream. The 71-year-old was detained by federal agents outside his Miami-area home in March and accused of hiding his ties to Cuba's Communist Party when he obtained permanent residency. Cuban-Americans in South Florida have long clamored for a firmer hand with Havana and the recent apprehensions of Hernández and several other former Cuban officials for deportation have been extremely popular among the politically powerful exile community. "It's a political gift to Cuban-American hardliners," said Eduardo Gamarra, a Latin American expert at Florida International University. But many Cubans fear they could be next on Trump's list, he said, and "some in the community see it as a betrayal." While President Donald Trump's mass deportation pledge has frightened migrants from many nations, it has come as something of a shock to the 2.4 million Cuban-Americans, who strongly backed the Republican twice and have long enjoyed a place of privilege in the U.S. immigration system. Amid record arrivals of migrants from the Caribbean island, Trump in March revoked temporary humanitarian parole for about 300,000 Cubans. Many have been detained ahead of possible deportation. Among those facing deportation is a pro-Trump Cuban rapper behind a hit song "Patria y Vida" — "Homeland and Life" — that became the unofficial anthem of anti-communist protests on the island in 2021 and drew praise from the likes of then Republican Sen. Marco Rubio, now Secretary of State. Eliéxer Márquez, who raps under the name El Funky, said he received notice this month that he had 30 days to leave the U.S. Thanks to Cold War laws aimed at removingFidel Castro, Cuban migrants for many decades enjoyed almost automatic refugee status in the U.S. and could obtain green cards a year after entry, unlike migrants from virtually every other country. Support for Trump among likely Cuban-American voters in Miami was at an all-time high on the eve of last year's election, according to a poll by Florida International University, which has been tracking the Cuban-American community since 1991. Trump rarely mentions Cubans in his attacks on migrant targets including Venezuelans and Haitians. That has given many Cubans hope that they will remain immune to immigration enforcement actions. Democrats, meanwhile, have been trying to turn the immigration crackdown to their advantage. In April, grassroots groups erected two giant billboards on Miami highways calling Rubio and Republican Reps. Mario Díaz-Balart, María Elvira Salazar and Carlos Giménez "traitors" to the Cuban-American community for failing to protect tens of thousands of migrants from Trump's immigration policies. The arrest of former Cuban state agents is one way to bolster Trump allies, Gamarra said. In March, Giménez sent Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem a letter with the names of 108 people he said were former Cuban state agents or Communist Party officials living unlawfully in the U.S. "It is imperative that the Department of Homeland Security enforce existing U.S. laws to identify, deport and repatriate these individuals who pose a direct threat to our national security, the integrity of our immigration system and the safety of Cuban exiles and American citizens alike," Giménez wrote, adding that the U.S. remains a "beacon of hope and freedom for those escaping tyranny." Giménez's target list was compiled by Luis Dominguez, who left Cuba in 1971 and has made it his mission to topple Cuba's government. In 2009, when the internet was still a novelty in Cuba, Dominguez said he posed as a 27-year-old female sports journalist from Colombia to lure Castro's son Antonio into an online romance. "Some people dream with making money, or with growing old and going on vacation," said Dominguez, who lives in Connecticut. "I dream with seeing my country free." With support from the right-wing Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba, he started combing social media and relying on a well-oiled network of anti-socialist sources, inside Cuba and outside the country, to dox officials allegedly behind human rights abuses and violations of democratic norms. To date, his website, Represores Cubanos — Cuban Repressors — has identified more than 1,200 such state agents, some 150 in the United States. "They're chasing the American dream, but previously they condemned it while pursuing the Cuban dream," Dominguez said. "It's the typical double life of any Communist regime. When they were in power they criticized anything about the U.S. But now that they're here, they love it." Dominguez, 62, said he regularly shares his findings with federal law enforcement but a spokesman for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement didn't comment on the agency's relationship with the activist. Enrique Garcia, a former colleague, said he studied with Hernández in the former Soviet Union in the 1970s. Upon their return, Hernández was sent to work in the spy agency's elite "North America" department, said Garcia. Garcia, who defected to the U.S. in the 1990s and has devoted himself to helping American spy catchers unmask Cuban agents, said one-time Cuban agents have infiltrated the current migration wave while hiding their past and even current loyalties to the Cuban government. "You can't be on both sides at the same time," he said. It's not known when Hernández entered the U.S. and why. U.S. immigration law generally bars people who've belonged to Communist parties. Anyone caught lying on their green card application can be deported or prosecuted. But removing Cubans who are no longer welcome in the U.S. could prove challenging. The Trump administration sends a single 60-passenger plane to Cuba every month as part of its deportation drive, unchanged from the past year's average, according to Witness at the Border, which tracks removal flights. At that rate, it would take almost 700 years to send back the estimated 500,000 Cubans who arrived during the Biden administration and now lack protected status. At Versailles Restaurant, the epicenter of Miami's Little Havana, few among its anti-Communist clientele seemed poised to turn on Trump, who visited the iconic cafe twice during the recent presidential campaign. One regular retiree, 83-year-old Rafael Nieto, even wore a giant Trump 2024 hat and pin. Most of the aging exiles applauded Trump's migration crackdown overhaul but there were a few cracks in the GOP armor. As the late afternoon banter switched between talk of CIA plots to assassinate Castro and President John F. Kennedy's failure to provide air cover during the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, one retiree stood up and quietly stepped away from his friends. "People are trembling," Tony Freitas, who came to the U.S. from Cuba in the 1980 Mariel boatlift, said in a hushed voice. "For any little thing, you could be deported." For more CNN news and newsletters create an account atCNN.com

Trump’s immigration crackdown unnerves Cuban exiles long shielded from deportation

Trump's immigration crackdown unnerves Cuban exiles long shielded from deportation Immigration officials said Tomás Hernández worked in ...

 

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